Grocery retail· 2026· Promotions, ROI

Do discounts pay for themselves?

79,340 promotions, each charged for the discount it gave and credited with the margin the extra units earned. The average one returned 80 cents on the dollar.

The promotion study cover: do discounts pay for themselves?
The full deck 15 slides: method, depth, placement, categories, the halo test, and the limits Open PDF
The story

Most retailers know what their promotions cost. Almost none can say what those promotions bought. The discount is visible in the margin line the week it runs. The extra units are mixed in with everything else. So I billed each promotion for its own discount and the quiet week that followed it, then credited it with the margin on every extra unit it sold, one promotion at a time.

What I did
  • Found the promotions: 79,340 of them across 387 stores and 899 products, identified against each product-store's own reconstructed normal price rather than a flag the file does not carry.
  • Built a baseline per promotion from the same product's own quiet weeks nearby, so a busy store is never compared against a slow one.
  • Charged each promotion for the discount it gave and for the dip in the week after, which is where stockpiling shows up.
  • Separated the mechanics: the price cut, the leaflet feature and the in-store display, measured apart rather than as one bundle.
  • Answered the halo objection from 3.3 million baskets instead of arguing about it, and split the result into a genuine halo and extra trips.
Chapter 01

What a dollar of discount bought back

Not a category average and not a modelled uplift. Each promotion measured against the same product's own quiet weeks, then charged and credited on its own terms.

What a dollar of discount bought back, measured across 79,340 promotions.
The headline, on the client's own transactions. Two in three promotions lost margin.
Each promotion measured against the same product's own quiet weeks nearby.
The baseline is the product itself. A busy store is never compared against a slow one, and no category average does the work.
Chapter 02

The size of the cut decides the outcome, and it is the part set by habit

Shallow cuts earn. Past 15% the return goes negative. At 30% and deeper the business loses 35 cents on every discounted dollar, and 85% of those events lose money.

Margin return per dollar of discount, by how deep the price cut went.
Why deep cuts cannot pay here. The pricing work on the same file demand here barely reacting to price, around −0.6 for most products. Volume does respond to a promotion, but not by enough to refill a margin cut in half.
By category: pasta and pasta sauce cuts of 30% or more are the entire loss of the file.
Then the loss gets a name. Pasta and pasta sauce cuts of 30% or more: $124k of discount, −$43k of margin, which is the whole loss of the file. Stop those and the calendar breaks even with nothing else changed.
The levers multiply, they do not add. On its own, each lever adds 65% to 82% on top of a normal week's volume. All three at once sells six times a normal week, far more than the parts suggest. Where the advertising runs matters as much as whether it runs: the front page of the weekly ad outsells the interior page four to one, and the interior page is where four features in five actually ran. These are unit counts, so no cost assumption touches them.
Chapter 03

One promotion in nine lost money whatever the products cost

Every other money figure in this study can be argued about through the cost file. This one cannot.

The test

A promotion that sold more units than a normal week but took less money through the till. Whatever that product costs to buy, it lost gross margin.

The result

11.1% of all 79,340 promotions fail exactly that test. On the deepest cuts it is one in six.

Why it matters

It is arithmetic, not a model. No cost assumption is involved, so it survives every objection the cost file can raise.

Chapter 04

"But promotions bring people into the store"

It is the first thing anyone says to a study like this, and it is fair: the discount has been counted and the rest of the trolley has not. The file carries 5.2 million transaction lines across 3.3 million baskets, so it can be answered rather than argued about.

The promoted product alone
−$0.195

Per $1 of discount, before any credit for the rest of the basket.

Plus the genuine halo
−$0.15

The same basket carrying more besides the promoted item. Still negative.

Plus every extra trip
+$0.34

Every companion in every extra basket, treated as a trip that would not otherwise have happened.

Nine tenths of the apparent halo is that third line. More shoppers picking up the promoted item along with their usual companions. That is only new money if the promotion created the trip, rather than moving a purchase inside a trip that was happening anyway. So the study hands over a threshold instead of an assumption: for these promotions to break even, 30.5% of those extra purchase occasions would have to be trips the shopper would not otherwise have made. For stock-up staples like pasta, that is hard to believe. But it is the client's category and the client's call, not mine.
Chapter 05

What the study refuses to guess

Stated here rather than left to be found.

Thin products skipped

Products without enough promotions to read are left out rather than estimated on a handful of weeks.

One week of dip

Stockpiling is charged for the week after. If it borrows from further out than that, this study understates the cost.

Assumed costs

The public file carries none, so a cost model stands in and is labelled everywhere money appears. The split between winners and losers does not depend on the cost level, and the one-in-nine finding needs no costs at all.

Reflection

What this study taught me

1. Find the test that needs no assumptions.

Every money figure here rests on an assumed cost, and a client can argue with all of them. The one-in-nine finding does not: more units, less money, therefore less margin, whatever the cost. One such test is worth more in a meeting than ten that depend on a model.

2. Answer the obvious objection before it is raised.

"Promotions bring people in" would have sunk this study in the first ten minutes. Measuring it from 3.3 million baskets, and crediting the promotion with the entire rest of the trolley rather than a modelled share, turns the objection into a number the client can weigh.

3. Hand over a threshold, not a verdict.

Whether an extra purchase occasion is a new trip is the client's judgement, not mine. So the study says what share it would take to break even and stops. That is the line between analysis and overreach.

4. How deep the cut goes is the lever nobody defends.

Calendars argue about which products and which weeks. The variable that actually decides the outcome is how deep the cut goes, and it is usually set by habit.

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